Stephen Miller's closed system of white supremacy
Won't somebody think of the white guys?
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Working in the Trump administration these days is no doubt a dream come true for Stephen Miller. He gets to oversee President Trump’s war on immigrants, but as a Renaissance Man of Racism, he has other irons in the fire too.
During the time Trump was out of office, Miller didn’t sit on his hands. He founded America First Legal, a law firm deeply committed to white supremacy. If there’s a shred of diversity left anywhere, AFL will find it and file a splashy and vicious lawsuit.
Theoretically, Miller is no longer part of AFL, having left when he joined the administration last year. But whether he’s puppet-mastering AFL’s ceaseless batch of lawsuits is beside the point, because now, he’s part of an entire administration as dedicated to white supremacy as he is. So while AFL is out there humming along in the private sector, government agencies are working hand in glove with it.
In Trump’s world — and Miller’s too, of course — the only civil rights worth protecting are those of aggrieved white men. The problem for the administration is that while there is no shortage of angry white guys, there’s nothing to investigate unless they have suffered some sort of harm. But the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission chair, Andrea Lucas, is aiming to fix that.
While EEOC commissioners have the power to bring a “commissioner’s charge” to investigate discrimination claims, that generally occurs only when there’s widespread systemic discrimination, and those cases represent a vanishingly small number of those investigated by the agency — well under one percent. The vast majority of the EEOC’s work comes from individual people filing charges, especially because you have to do that before you can bring a discrimination lawsuit.
This has led to the grimly comic scenario of administration officials begging white men to file discrimination claims. Late last year, Lucas made a videotaped plea to get sad whites in the door: “Are you a white male who has experienced discrimination at work based on your race or sex? You may have a claim to recover money under federal civil rights laws.”
Lucas’s call to action wasn’t just racist — it was weird. White men have consistently filed discrimination claims with the EEOC, albeit at a lower rate than women and people of color. Historically, they’ve brought about nine percent of charges of discrimination based on race, around 10 percent of sex discrimination charges, and roughly 11 percent of sexual harassment complaints. So to buy what Lucas is selling, you not only have to believe that far more than 10 percent of white men have suffered discrimination based on their race and sex, but that they have also somehow been too cowed by Big Diversity to say anything about it.
The EEOC’s efforts on behalf of aggrieved white dudes aren’t limited to Lucas begging them to come forward and cry about how diversity wrecked their lives. Leadership has been pressuring agency staff to find and fast-track charges of discrimination against white men, even when those cases lack factual or legal support. One director told his staff they needed to rank all cases alleging discrimination against white people as top priorities to be given extra attention.
Miller and AFL must be absolutely swooning over this turn of events.
An arm of the administration
It’s not mere speculation to say that the EEOC is following AFL’s lead, because they quite literally are.
Before she became EEOC chair in 2025, Lucas was an EEOC commissioner, appointed by Trump in 2020. In May 2024, she filed a commissioner’s charge against Nike, saying it may have violated Title VII by discriminating against white employees.
To be clear, there was no complaint from any Nike employee that sparked Lucas’s faux-concern. There was, however, a January 2024 demand from America First Legal that the EEOC investigate the footwear giant for such sins as having a page on their website talking about building “a more diverse, inclusive team that reflects the athletes and communities where we live, work, and play.”
The horror!
Given the timing, it’s pretty clear Lucas took AFL up on its request that the EEOC go after Nike. Had Trump not won, this nonsense would have languished and withered away, but his 2024 victory paved the way for turning Lucas loose. In 2025 alone, AFL demanded that the EEOC investigate Penguin Random House, Texas Roadhouse, Cracker Barrel, the San Francisco 49ers, and the Los Angeles Dodgers.
AFL frames these random letters to the EEOC as “fil[ing] a civil rights complaint,” but they are doing no such thing, and they know it.
There are only two paths to open a charge with the EEOC. A person who believes they were discriminated against can file a charge, as can an EEOC commissioner. That’s it. AFL’s breathless letters are not civil rights complaints in any meaningful sense. They’re unsolicited messages to the EEOC demanding investigations, a thing that has the exact same legal weight as sending along pictures of Big Bird and Grover.
In a normal administration, having an outside group randomly pop up again and again to cry about how hard white men have it would not be enough to spark EEOC investigations, but we live here now. And since the charge process is confidential, we have no idea how many other companies Lucas might be targeting based on nothing more than a letter from Stephen Miller’s law firm.
The New York Times doesn’t show up in AFL’s braggy little list of all the companies it wants the government to go after, but let’s face it: even if the firm had nothing to do with the EEOC’s new lawsuit against the paper for reverse discrimination, Stephen Miller is probably dancing a jig or drinking the blood of infants or whatever it is that a depraved goblin does to celebrate.
Faux oppression
The EEOC’s lawsuit doesn’t name the aggrieved white dude complaining that the Times didn’t promote him because he’s pale and male, but people have ferreted out that it is likely Bryant Rousseau, a senior editor and producer on the international news desk.
Rousseau didn’t land a deputy real estate editor gig, and the EEOC’s rationale seems to be that he was a victim of the Times’ woke diversity policies since the person who beat him out was not a white man. Ipso facto, that person wasn’t qualified.
Suffice it to say there are some logical fallacies at work here.
The Times has over 100 deputy editor positions, but the EEOC’s lawsuit is over just one of those. There’s no allegation that the Times is systemically making white men go woke or go broke, despite the endless recitations of the paper’s inclusion efforts.
The lawsuit hangs quite a bit on Rousseau’s assertion that he was more qualified than the “multiracial female” who was ultimately hired, because he had real estate journalism experience and she did not. But what it doesn’t mention is that the job listing specifically asked for experience in service journalism and as a supervisor, both of which the successful candidate, Monica Burton, had, and, well, Rousseau did not.
The complaint also omits Burton’s qualifications, which allowed the EEOC to pretend the Times did Rousseau dirty because of how much it hates white men. In fact, Burton spent eight years at Eater in progressively larger editorial roles, including serving as the site’s deputy editor for four years and supervising a team of writers. Before that, she was an associate editor at Time and before that, Investopedia. Rousseau, by contrast, appears to have stalled out for nearly a decade in his role at the paper and doesn’t appear to have any supervisory experience.
But he’s a white guy, and he’s mad, and so the EEOC is on it.
The leader principle
It’s not just the EEOC doing AFL’s bidding.
In March, the Department of Education opened an investigation into Westford Public Schools in Massachusetts after AFL filed a Title IX complaint on behalf of a transphobic parent mad that the district is insufficiently cruel to trans kids.
As with AFL’s idiosyncratic view of workplace discrimination, their stance here is functionally “Trump said so, and that makes it binding law.” So there are no citations of cases where a court found that allowing trans kids to play sports or use the bathroom violated Title IX, because they don’t exist.
Instead, AFL relies on Trump’s January 2025 executive order about “restoring biological truth to the federal government.” But executive orders are not law. They also don’t apply to anything beyond the executive branch. There is no world where Trump’s half-baked bile can form the basis of a civil rights complaint.
Well, no world except this one, where all the pieces fell into place for Stephen Miller.
Trump believes anything he scribbles down is the law, the AFL treats it as such when complaining to government agencies, and then those agencies accept Trump’s blatherings as law too. It’s a perfectly closed system of white supremacy.
One of the easiest ways to see that the real function of AFL is to serve as an extension of the Trump administration is to peep its website. There, you’ll find things like the “Blue State Standing Project,” where AFL complains that states suing the Trump administration are engaging in lawfare and don’t actually have the right to sue.
As an ostensibly private law firm with no connection to the government, AFL has no dog in the fight over whether a state has standing to sue the administration. Any such dispute would occur in a lawsuit between that state and the administration. Random law firms do not get to jump in and present their feels about blue states being mean to Donald Trump.
Except, of course, AFL isn’t a random law firm. It’s an active and enthusiastic participant in the administration’s work of rolling back civil rights, instituting white supremacy, and making Stephen Miller’s dreams come true. For the rest of us, though, it’s a nightmare.
That’s it for now
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The detail that should stop everyone: an EEOC chair on video recruiting plaintiffs. Not adjudicating. Not investigating. Recruiting. The federal civil rights apparatus turned into a casting call.
Then the internal directive: rank anti-white cases as top priority, fast-track them, find them, even when the facts aren’t there. That isn’t enforcement. That’s manufacturing. The state producing the grievance it then promises to redress.
This is what institutional capture looks like.
Miller’s circle figured out you can use the same agency to encode the dominant caste’s resentment as a protected legal interest.
A state-funded grievance factory for the majority, run by people who spent a decade insisting the majority was the real victim and now control the levers to make the paperwork say so.
Look at the freak at the center of it. Miller doesn’t show distress at suffering. He shows appetite. Children separated from parents, families in cages, deportation quotas as KPIs, and the affect never breaks. That isn’t ideology. Ideology argues. This is colder.
Arendt called it the banality of evil: the clerk who files the paperwork without feeling it.
Miller is the inversion. He feels it. He likes it. Watch the cadence when he talks about raids, the small lift in the voice, the almost-smile. The cruelty is the point and the payoff.
A man who found that other people’s pain gets him hard and built a career around uninterrupted access to it.
Johan 🐌
I still wonder how Miller can stand working in the same administration as Harmeet Dhillon, Mehmet Oz, and Melania Trump. I know: they’re “white” to him.